Feijóo brings positions closer to Vox: why does it make no sense to withdraw nationality from foreigners?

That the president of the PP, as long as Díaz Ayuso allows it, is not the most brilliant jurist of his promotion does not surprise us. But his latest proposal regarding the withdrawal of nationality, in the context of his moral debacle burdened by Vox, is something that simply does not hold up.

Starting with the basics, at a grammatical level it makes no sense to intend to withdraw nationality from foreigners, since the moment they acquire nationality they are full Spanish citizens. A different matter is whether Feijóo was referring to racialized Spaniards, born abroad, of non-Christian creeds or, in short, those not considered by the right as Spaniards of race.

The acquisition of nationality differs only by its mode of acquisition: by origin or derived. In both cases, and in accordance with the Civil Code and the Constitution, people with Spanish nationality have the same rights and obligations. The opposite would be to admit that there are categories of Spaniards; the good and the bad, the pure and the impure. And history teaches us where such distinctions lead.

The popular leader relies on art. 11 of the Constitution which only establishes that Spaniards of origin cannot be deprived of their nationality, which cannot be understood as meaning that non-origin Spaniards can be deprived at the free will of the ruler in office. Furthermore, if we advance a little further in the reading we find art. 13, which recognizes the fundamental right to vote for all Spaniards, something that some magistrate of the Supreme Court who has decided to deprive 400,000 Spaniards of this right seems not to know. This perverted reading of the Constitution intends to be a legal refuge for racist policies; and yes, in this specific case we are talking about racism and not xenophobia because this proposal does not attack foreigners but Spaniards for their physical characteristics, circumstances or origin.

Finally, making an exercise of intellectual suppression, and assuming that Feijóo's proposal were materialized, the fundamental question of statelessness remains. No one seems to notice what would happen if a citizen who has renounced their previous nationality to acquire Spanish nationality is deprived of the latter. In these cases, the person would be left without nationality, something inconceivable for Spanish law. Beyond emotional issues, nationality is an essential issue at a legal level; it is the natural link of a person with a State, laws, and courts. The Spanish legal system absolutely rejects the situation of statelessness, considering it unnatural. Feijóo's proposal, whether due to ignorance or laziness, does not specify how to avoid this circumstance. In short, it is the umpteenth ridicule of the popular leader in his competition with Vox for the far-right electorate that, amplified by the Ceuta crisis, has found an electoral goldmine in racist populism.